The Anywaa (also spelled Anuak) are one of the oldest Indigenous Nilotic peoples of the western Ethiopian lowlands and the eastern regions of South Sudan. Their history is deeply rooted in the region’s major rivers, particularly the Baro, Gilo, Akobo, Alwro, and Sobat, which have shaped their political structures, settlement patterns, and relationships with neighboring societies. Unlike the pastoralist groups that expanded into the region in later centuries, the Anywaa developed a distinctly riverine and agricultural culture. Their early history, preserved in rich oral traditions and corroborated by ethnographic and colonial-era scholarship, demonstrates a long-standing presence in today’s Gambela region.

Origins in Oral Tradition

Anywaa historical identity begins with powerful origin myths centered on the cultural hero Uchoda, who, according to oral tradition, emerged from the river and became the first true leader of the people. As recorded by C.R.K. Bacon (1922), Uchoda was captured by villagers after helping children settle a dispute over fish; he then married into the ruling family and introduced sacred heirlooms, including the Uchok and Gurmatto bead necklaces, which remain symbols of political legitimacy today. This myth situates the early Anywaa both physically and spiritually within the riverine world that continues to define their society.

These origin stories also reference the earlier ancestral figure Chuwai, whose descendants founded the first clans. The narrative recounts political transformation, generational leadership, and the passing down of sacred objects, all of which reinforce the importance of lineage and legitimacy in Anywaa political culture. Through these myths, the Anywaa articulate a deep connection to their homeland and emphasize their status as the original people of the region.

Early Settlement and Territorial Extent

Historical records confirm that the Anywaa once occupied a far larger territory than they do today. Bacon (1922) notes that Anywaa settlements historically stretched along the Sobat River from the Pibor mouth to Tawbai, as well as into the Adura and Mokwai regions before later displacement.
This wide territory corresponds to the ecological zones best suited to their mixed livelihood system of floodplain agriculture, fishing, and riverbank habitation.

Evans-Pritchard (1947) similarly describes the Anywaa as a population of approximately 30,000–50,000 people living in widely spaced riverine villages that were economically self-sufficient and politically autonomous. These settlements, typically comprising 200–500 inhabitants, formed the basic units of Anywaa society and remain central to its cultural organization.

Village Autonomy and Political Organization

Unlike centralized kingdoms such as the Shilluk, the Anywaa developed a decentralized political structure based on village autonomy. Each village was led by a headman (kwaro) selected from the lineage believed to be the “owners of the land.” Lienhardt (1957) explains that the headman served as both a political figure and a symbolic representation of the village’s unity and identity. He was responsible for resolving disputes, organizing labor, leading defense, and maintaining the sacred objects of the community.

Leadership was not absolute or hereditary in the strict sense. Headmen held power only so long as they maintained the support of the community, distributed resources fairly, and upheld village harmony. If they failed in these duties, they could be removed through a type of organized village-wide revolt known as agem, after which a new headman from the appropriate lineage would be chosen. Wall (1976) describes this mechanism as both a check on authority and an expression of the strong democratic character of Anywaa village life.

Economic Foundations and Ecological Adaptation

From the earliest accounts, the Anywaa have been described as predominantly agriculturalists, relying on millet, maize, and sorghum cultivation in fertile floodplain soils. Their livelihoods were supplemented by fishing and seasonal hunting, but they were never deeply invested in cattle herding, unlike the neighboring Nuer and Dinka. Wall (1976) notes that although the Anywaa possess pastoralist vocabulary, evidence of a distant pastoral past—they remain firmly rooted in sedentary agriculture and local autonomy. This ecological orientation helped insulate villages and maintain small, independent settlements.

Early explorers such as Major H.H. Austin (1902) described the Anywaa villages along the Openo (Baro), Alwro, and Gilo Rivers as well-established and densely populated, with complex fishing practices and agricultural routines. Austin also observed that their social and political life was already well-developed long before the arrival of colonial powers or later migrations from neighboring groups.

Relations With Neighboring Peoples

The Anywaa’s interactions with neighboring communities were shaped by their geographical position and political independence. They share linguistic and cultural ties with the Shilluk and Jur peoples, all belonging to the Western Nilotic Luo family. However, relationships with pastoralist communities were often tense. Throughout the 18th and 19th centuries, large-scale migrations by the Jikany and Gaajak Nuer expanded westward and eastward, pushing the Anywaa from many of their earlier territories. Bacon (1922) documents that this displacement resulted in the loss of much of their Sobat and lower Baro lands.

Despite these pressures, the Anywaa retained strong control over the central Baro and Gilo regions, where their largest communities remain today.

Conclusion

The early history of the Anywaa reveals a people with deep roots in the riverine landscapes of the Gambela region. Their cultural identity, shaped by ecological adaptation, oral tradition, decentralized political structures, and agricultural subsistence, distinguishes them as one of the oldest Indigenous communities in the area. The historical record shows a long continuity of settlement predating the arrival of neighboring groups, and a resilient society that maintained autonomy through decentralized governance and strong cultural traditions. Understanding this early history is essential for appreciating the broader historical landscape of Gambela, including later interactions with the Ethiopian state, colonial encounters, and more recent demographic and political changes.

References

Austin, H. H. (1902). Among Swamps and Giants in Equatorial Africa. London: C. Arthur Pearson.

Bacon, C. R. K. (1922). The Anuak. Sudan Notes and Records, 5(3), 113–129.

Evans-Pritchard, E. E. (1947). Further observations on the political system of the Anuak. Sudan Notes and Records.

Lienhardt, G. (1957). Anuak village headmen. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 27(4), 341–355.

Wall, L. L. (1976). Anuak politics, ecology, and the origins of Shilluk kingship. Ethnology, 15(2), 151–162.